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Trump’s Diesel Deal Collides With the Sanctions Law He Signed

Trump licensed Russian diesel on October 9, 21 days after signing 500% tariffs on Russian goods, while the first cargo cannot cut U.S. pump prices.

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Donald Trump licensed Russian diesel into the United States on October 9, 21 days after he signed a law that sets tariffs of up to 500% on Russian goods. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control issued General License 135 that same Friday, covering the sale, delivery, offloading, and importation of Russian-origin diesel through 12:01 a.m. eastern time on April 7, 2027.

The first promised cargo is more than 300,000 tons, about 2.25 million barrels, less than a day of American diesel use. Pump prices are the political clock. The legal clock is October 18.

He Signed a 500% Tariff Law, Then Licensed the Fuel

On September 18, Trump signed the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026, H.R. 5334. The Senate had passed it 86-11 on August 7. The House followed 262-159 on September 16. The statute tells the president, within 30 days, to raise duties on all goods imported from Russia to a rate of up to 500%, and to put duties of up to 100% on goods from any of the five largest buyers of Russian crude or gas that keep buying after that mark.

October 18 is that 30-day mark. It falls on a Sunday, so the first working test is likely Friday, October 15, or Monday, October 19. The same date is when the president is supposed to identify Russia’s shadow fleet as blocked property and to sanction a long list of banks, officials, and state firms. A waiver exists if he certifies that lifting a duty is in the national interest. The diesel license now sits on the other side of that choice.

THE TWO CLOCKS INSIDE ONE MONTH

  1. September 18, 2026: Trump signs the Graham Act, starting a 30-day window for tariffs of up to 500% on Russian goods and 100% on top energy buyers.
  2. October 9, 2026: After a call with Vladimir Putin, Trump says Russia will send more than 300,000 tons of diesel at once. OFAC issues General License 135 through April 7, 2027.
  3. October 11, 2026: Seven senators from both parties tell the White House the import license runs counter to the 2022 energy ban and must be reversed.
  4. October 12, 2026: Rep. Lloyd Doggett, the 2022 ban’s chief sponsor, says the president is violating that law. Trump, outside the White House, says Republican critics “can’t really be serious.”
  5. October 18, 2026: The Graham Act’s 30-day duties, bank sanctions, and shadow-fleet designations are due.

Treasury did not answer questions on October 12 about how the diesel license fits the tariff clock. The license is a sanctions waiver, not a repeal of either statute, and it still bars debits to U.S. accounts of Russia’s central bank, National Wealth Fund, and finance ministry.

The Off-Ramp Congress Wrote in 2022

The older problem is simpler. In April 2022, Congress wrote a statutory ban on Russian energy products classified under chapter 27 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule, which includes diesel. Public Law 117-109, the Ending Importation of Russian Oil Act, passed the House 413-9 and the Senate with no senator opposed. President Joe Biden signed it on April 8, 2022.

The law already has an off-ramp. The president may end the ban only after a written certification, and only if three tests are met.

WHAT THE 2022 LAW REQUIRES BEFORE IMPORTS RESUME

  • Ukraine’s consent: Russia has reached an agreement to withdraw its forces and stop the fighting, and that deal is accepted by the free and independent government of Ukraine.
  • NATO security: Russia poses no immediate military threat of aggression to any NATO member.
  • Ukrainian self-rule: Russia recognizes the right of the people of Ukraine to choose their own government.

He must consult the House Ways and Means and Foreign Affairs committees and the Senate Finance and Foreign Relations committees, and send them a report, at least 45 days before he certifies. Termination then waits 90 calendar days, during which Congress can pass a joint resolution of disapproval. None of those steps has happened. None of the three tests is met. Ukraine has not accepted a Russian withdrawal, because there is no withdrawal.

Doggett, a Texas Democrat, said on October 12 that Trump is “directly violating that law,” lifting sanctions to permit the first Russian diesel imports since the 2022 ban without the conditions the statute names.

Now Trump is directly violating that law, lifting sanctions to permit the first Russian diesel imports into the United States since the law took effect, without satisfying the specific legal conditions it requires. He illegally rewards his pal Putin while once again blaming Zelensky for not capitulating to Putin.

Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas, statement, October 12, 2026

OFAC can license transactions under sanctions rules. It cannot erase an act of Congress. That is the collision Doggett is pointing at, and it is also why a Treasury form dated October 9 does not settle the 2022 statute.

Seven Senators Call the License Illegal

On October 11, Sen. Jeanne Shaheen of New Hampshire, the ranking Democrat on Foreign Relations, issued a joint statement with six colleagues: Republicans Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Thom Tillis of North Carolina, and John Curtis of Utah, and Democrats Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut and Ron Wyden of Oregon. Four of the seven are Republicans.

Congress explicitly banned Russian energy imports in 2022 to prevent American dollars from financing Putin’s brutal war against Ukraine. President Trump’s decision to allow Russian diesel imports to the U.S. runs directly counter to that law. The Administration has also failed to consult with Congress or submit any explanation to justify its decision as required by statute. The United States should not provide Putin with a financial lifeline while Russia continues to kill Ukrainian civilians. The Administration must immediately reverse course.

Sens. Shaheen, Collins, Blumenthal, Murkowski, Wyden, Tillis, and Curtis, joint statement, October 11, 2026

Tillis had already said on NBC’s Meet the Press that there is “a legitimate case for saying the president’s not following the law,” and that the Kremlin’s ties to Iran put American lives at risk. Former Vice President Mike Pence called the move a betrayal of Graham’s legacy. Graham died in July; Trump signed the bill named for him 21 days before the diesel license.

The unease is not only among the usual critics. Rep. Ashley Hinson, an Iowa Republican in a competitive Senate race against Democrat Josh Turek, said, “It makes me a little bit nervous anytime we’re talking about relieving a sanction on Russia.” Diesel near $6 a gallon has become an issue in that race. Trump’s answer on October 12, standing outside the White House, was that anything that could help “our farmers, our ranchers, I like,” and that Republican objections could not be serious.

Will Russian Diesel Lower U.S. Pump Prices?

The sales pitch is cheaper fuel before the November 3 midterms. The volumes do not match the pitch. Trump said Russia would send more than 300,000 tons at once, another 500,000 tons in November, 1 million tons after that, and as much as 3 million tons more depending on the state of Russian refineries. If every tranche arrived, the full promise would be about 4.8 million tons.

WHAT TRUMP SAID RUSSIA WOULD SHIP

TrancheTons (as announced)About how much that is
Immediate (October 9)More than 300,000About 2.25 million barrels, less than a day of U.S. diesel use
November500,000The next scheduled cargo, still a short burst against U.S. demand
“Immediately thereafter”1 millionThe third promised load
Later, if refineries allow3 millionThe largest slice, with no firm date

AAA’s national diesel average of $6.2665 a gallon on October 12 was 71% above the $3.6653 average a year earlier. The record was $6.5276 on September 22. The weekly figure had eased from $6.3207 a week before. Those are still crisis prices for truckers, farms, and anyone who moves freight.

AAA DIESEL AT THE PUMP

  • October 12 average: $6.2665 a gallon nationwide.
  • Record: $6.5276 on September 22, 2026.
  • A year earlier: $3.6653 a gallon, 71% below the October 12 reading.
  • A week earlier: $6.3207, so the Russian announcement has not reset the pump.

The jump did not start in Kyiv. It started when the United States went to war with Iran and distillate supplies tightened around the Gulf. Crude has been oil still near $96 after tanker strikes in that corridor, and diesel, which refiners make from that crude, ran even hotter. An AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll published on October 1 found that Americans disapprove of how Trump has handled the Iran war and blame him for higher prices. Buying a few days of Russian diesel does not reopen Hormuz, and it does not rebuild the Russian plants Ukraine has already hit.

The United States Already Exports the Fuel

Kpler, the commodities data firm, put the market contradiction in one line: the United States has a diesel price problem, not a diesel supply problem. U.S. diesel shipments were running at about 1.4 million barrels a day in October, which still makes America the world’s largest diesel exporter. Importing Russian barrels into a country that is already sending that much fuel abroad is a political flow, not a natural trade route.

Russian diesel has barely touched U.S. docks. Kpler’s records show U.S. imports of it stayed below 15,000 barrels a day over the past decade and have been effectively zero since 2024. If Moscow had spare diesel sitting in tanks, it would already be moving to Turkey and Brazil, the buyers that still take Russian product. Those shipments have fallen. About 40% of Russian refining capacity is idle after repeated Ukrainian strikes. Domestic Russian demand is about 1.2 million barrels a day against production of about 1.4 million, which leaves a thin surplus as winter heating demand rises.

Freight and insurance on Baltic and Black Sea routes have climbed as drones hit export gear at Primorsk and Ust-Luga and as tankers have been struck in the Black Sea. Even a licensed cargo has to find a hull, a crew, and an insurer willing to move it. That cost eats the “cheap Russian diesel” story before a gallon reaches an Iowa pump.

Spare the Refineries, Trump Tells Kyiv

The cargo is too small to be the point. What the license buys, if it holds, is a reason to tell Ukraine to stop hitting the plants that still make diesel. On October 10, a day after the announcement, Trump said, “I think it’s time for Ukraine to get a new president,” and blamed Volodymyr Zelenskyy for U.S. pump prices because Ukrainian drones had been hitting Russian diesel refineries. “He’d better damn well stop,” Trump said. “He can do whatever he wants, but he can’t do that because we have a world problem.”

Zelenskyy had already warned that letting Russia sell petroleum products would help fund the war. “Gifts to Putin will not bring peace,” he said, and offered the swap Trump claims to want: Ukraine will stop striking Russian oil refineries if Russia stops attacking Ukrainian energy sites. Trump insisted on October 12 that an energy ceasefire was already in place “because I said, ‘You agree.’” When asked about continued Russian strikes, he said he would have to look, “because there’s been violations on both sides.”

Energy columnist Javier Blas wrote that the diesel pact puts Zelenskyy in a bind. If Kyiv keeps blowing up Russian refineries, it is no longer only fighting Moscow. It is jeopardizing a fuel deal between Washington and Moscow. That is the second product of October 9, and it is the one that does not need a tanker to arrive.

The harm to the Ukrainians is real. And the cost to us, the United States, is high.

William Taylor, former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, Atlantic Council, October 12, 2026

Taylor’s warning sits next to a longer pattern. Nancy Pelosi told Trump in his first term that “all roads lead to Putin.” He has since pressed Zelenskyy to concede land, then said Ukraine might take it back, then told both sides to “stop where they are.” In July he praised Ukraine’s wartime resilience. By September he was angry about strikes on Russian energy sites. The diesel license is that sequence in one document: a U.S. president treating Ukrainian attacks on the war’s fuel as the problem, and Russian supply as the fix.

October 18 Puts the White House on Both Sides

On October 18 the administration is supposed to be the enforcer of the Graham Act, listing shadow-fleet hulls, hitting Russian banks, and raising duties on Russian goods, petroleum products included, to a rate of up to 500%. On October 9 it became a licensed buyer of the same fuel. Those two roles do not stack. Either the 500% tariff lands on the barrels Treasury just authorized, which would make the cargo more expensive, not less, or the president uses the national-interest waiver to carve out the diesel he just promised farmers.

General License 135 runs to April 7, 2027, 180 days after it was signed, with no volume cap and no named companies. Midterms are November 3. Even if the November and follow-on tons show up on time, they will not rebuild Gulf distillate lost to the Iran war, and they will not restore the Russian plants that are already damaged. They will, for as long as the license lasts, make the United States a customer of the energy trade Congress banned in 2022 and voted again to punish in September.

Trump can still reverse the license, impose the October 18 tariffs, or waive them. As of October 12 he was holding the deal and telling critics they could not be serious. The statute he signed on September 18, and the older ban he did not repeal, are still on the books when that choice comes due.

Harry is the editor of NEWS ANALYSIS. He writes across the publication's ten desks, with most of his time going to the stories where a number, a filing or a study decides the argument. His working rule is simple: read the source document before writing about it, and tell the reader plainly which parts are established and which are somebody's claim. He is responsible for the standards set out on this site's Editorial Standards and Fact Checking pages, and for correcting the record openly when the publication gets something wrong.

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